He encouraged his children to do the same, even as they absorbed his anti-regime views at home.
In 2001, Sharaa’s father died in a car accident, leaving his mother, Fatima, to raise seven children on her own. Sharaa dropped out of university shortly after his father’s death, much to his family’s dismay. He had been a top student in high school, and his family had high hopes for him to become a doctor or engineer. Instead, Sharaa was radicalised by the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, which he saw as a Western assault on Islam.
He joined up with a local jihadi group and fought alongside them in Iraq for several years. After being captured by US forces, Sharaa spent several years in Abu Ghraib prison, where he was reportedly tortured. When he was released, he returned to Syria a changed man, more committed than ever to the fight against what he saw as Western imperialism.
Sharaa’s rise to power in Syria was not without its challenges. He faced opposition from within his own ranks, as well as from other rebel groups who saw him as a threat to their own power. But through a combination of military prowess, political savvy, and strategic alliances, Sharaa was able to overcome these obstacles and establish himself as the country’s new leader.
Now, as he stood in his childhood home in Mezzeh, surrounded by the belongings of the Suleiman family, Sharaa reflected on the long and difficult journey that had brought him to this moment. He knew that the road ahead would be even harder, as he worked to rebuild a war-torn country and unite its fractured population. But he was determined to succeed, for the sake of his family, his people, and the memory of his father.
During his time in captivity, Sharaa became known for his ability to mediate disputes between inmates and guards, earning the respect of both sides. He also continued to study and write, further deepening his understanding of the region’s politics and conflicts.
After his release in 2011, Sharaa returned to Syria, where he quickly became involved in the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad. He joined a rebel group and rose through the ranks, eventually becoming a key figure in the opposition movement.
Despite his controversial past, Sharaa has managed to maintain a reputation as a principled and intelligent leader. He is seen as a moderate voice within the opposition, advocating for a peaceful resolution to the conflict and working to build alliances with other rebel factions.
As the war in Syria continues to rage on, Sharaa remains a complex and enigmatic figure, navigating the treacherous waters of politics and conflict with a calm and strategic approach. His journey from a young man seeking purpose to a seasoned leader in one of the world’s most volatile regions is a testament to the power of individual transformation and resilience. This led to a public spat between the two leaders, with Baghdadi declaring Nusra to be a branch of Isis and demanding Sharaa’s allegiance. Sharaa refused, leading to a split between the two groups. From that point on, Sharaa focused on building up Nusra as a more moderate alternative to Isis, attracting fighters who were uncomfortable with Baghdadi’s brutal tactics.
Despite their ideological differences, Sharaa and Baghdadi both shared a ruthless determination to achieve their goals. While Baghdadi was known for his brutal methods, Sharaa was more strategic and focused on winning over the Syrian population to his cause. This approach proved successful, as Nusra gained popularity and support among Syrians who were disillusioned with the Assad regime.
In the years that followed, Nusra evolved into Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a powerful jihadist group that continues to operate in Syria today. Sharaa’s leadership was instrumental in shaping the group’s ideology and tactics, steering it away from the extreme violence of Isis and towards a more pragmatic approach to achieving its goals.
Despite his controversial past and ongoing conflict with Baghdadi, Sharaa remains a key figure in the Syrian conflict, with many Syrians viewing him as a more acceptable alternative to the brutality of Isis. His ability to navigate the complex world of jihadist politics and build a successful organization in the midst of a brutal civil war speaks to his skill as a leader and strategist.
But despite these efforts, Sharaa still faced challenges in gaining the trust of the international community. Many viewed HTS as a terrorist organization, and Sharaa himself was still a wanted man with a bounty on his head. However, Sharaa continued to work towards legitimizing his group and presenting a more moderate image to the world.
He focused on governance and providing services to the people under his control, including education, healthcare, and security. He worked to build alliances with other rebel groups and local tribes, seeking to create a united front against Assad’s forces and extremist factions.
Sharaa’s efforts were not without controversy, however. Some accused him of being a pragmatist who would do whatever it took to maintain power, even if it meant making deals with unsavory characters or compromising on his principles.
Despite these criticisms, Sharaa’s leadership of HTS proved to be effective in maintaining control over Idlib and pushing back against Assad’s forces. His ability to navigate the complex web of alliances and rivalries in the region, as well as his strategic thinking and charisma, set him apart as a formidable leader in the Syrian conflict.
Others were dismayed when Sharaa appointed former HTS fighters to key positions in the new government, arguing that he was simply replacing one set of extremists with another. And still more were disappointed when he failed to make any real progress on securing the return of refugees who had fled to neighbouring countries during the war.
Despite these missteps, Sharaa remains a figure of hope for many Syrians who have suffered under the brutal rule of Assad. His promises of a new, inclusive Syria, where all are welcome and all are equal, resonate deeply with those who have longed for peace and stability in their homeland.
Only time will tell if Sharaa can deliver on his promises and truly unite the fractured country. But for now, he continues to navigate the complex web of alliances and rivalries that define Syrian politics, all while keeping his eye on the ultimate prize: a free and prosperous Syria for all its citizens.
In dieser Nacht sprach er nicht öffentlich zu den syrischen Menschen.
Sharaa hat dies seit seiner Machtübernahme kaum getan, er hat das Wort „Demokratie“ in der Öffentlichkeit nur einmal erwähnt. Er hat bisher wenig Interesse gezeigt, die Regierung über HTS-Mitglieder hinaus auszudehnen. Währenddessen arbeitet seine Regierung mit einer glazialen Geschwindigkeit, was laut denen in Sharaas Umfeld viel mit seinem zentralisierten Führungsstil zu tun hat. Er ist nicht schnell im Vertrauen und hat die Entscheidungsfindung auf eine Handvoll seiner Top-Lieutenants aus Idlib sowie seine Familie beschränkt. Dazu gehören seine Brüder Maher, der derzeit Gesundheitsminister ist, und Hazem, ein inoffizieller leitender Berater. Dazu gehört auch Anas Khattab, einer der sechs al-Qaida-Männer, die 2011 mit Sharaa aus dem Irak gekommen sind und der jetzt Leiter des Geheimdienstes ist.
Es überrascht wenig diejenigen, die mit Sharaas Jahren in Idlib vertraut sind. Sie erinnern sich an die Hardliner, die er dazu neigt, an die Macht zu bringen, und die gelegentliche Brutalität seiner Führungssäuberungen. 2023 warf Sharaa zum Beispiel viele seiner Top-Lieutenants ins Gefängnis, wo sie gefoltert wurden, was weitreichende Proteste auslöste. Einer von ihnen – Abu Maria al-Qahtani, ein wichtiger Verbündeter, der ebenfalls 2011 aus dem Irak mit Sharaa gekommen war – starb im vergangenen April, Wochen nachdem er fast ein Jahr im Gefängnis verbracht hatte.
Viele Syrer wollen, dass Sharaa erfolgreich ist, denn die Alternative ist zu düster, um darüber nachzudenken. Aber seit seiner Ankunft in Damaskus hat er Hunderte von Treffen mit ausländischen Beamten, Diplomaten, zivilgesellschaftlichen Gruppen, Geschäftsleuten, prominenten Mitgliedern der Diaspora und anderen abgehalten. Er holt sich Ratschläge von den Analysten, Beamten und Diplomaten ein, mit denen er seit Jahren in Idlib zusammenarbeitet, sowie von den Hardlinern, die immer noch seinen inneren Kreis bevölkern. Unter Dutzenden von Personen, mit denen ich gesprochen habe, die an diesen Treffen teilgenommen haben, darunter auch einige, die Sharaa lange Zeit abgelehnt haben, herrschte bis vor kurzem Optimismus. Er wurde mir wiederholt als „äußerst klug“, „heimtückisch“, „gut in regionaler Geschichte bewandert“, „belesen“, „ein guter Zuhörer“ und am häufigsten als „pragmatisch“ beschrieben. Aber in den letzten Wochen hat ein anderes Wort begonnen, sich einzuschleichen: „Starker Mann“.
Raya Jalabi ist Korrespondentin des FT für den Nahen Osten. Zusätzliche Berichterstattung von Andrew England, Sarah Dadouch und John Paul Rathbone
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